Кондолиза Райс цитаты
Кондолиза Райс
Дата рождения: 14. Ноябрь 1954
Кондоли́за Райс — 66-й Государственный секретарь США , сменила на этом посту Колина Пауэлла. Райс — первая чернокожая и вторая женщина, после Мадлен Олбрайт, на этом посту. Советник президента США по национальной безопасности во время первого срока президентства Джорджа Буша . До прихода в команду Буша, с 1993 по 1999 год, — проректор Стэнфордского университета, профессор, доктор политологии.
При администрации Джорджа Буша , во время распада СССР и объединения Германии — советник президента по вопросам СССР и Восточной Европы.
Роль Райс как советника президента и главного оппонента резкой критики политики США в «войне с террором» признаётся спорной, однако в настоящее время[когда?] она имеет очень высокий рейтинг одобрения и доверия среди всех официальных лиц администрации США.
Цитаты Кондолиза Райс
„... it's good to have female or minority role models. But the important thing is to have mentors who care about you, and they come in all colors.“
— Condoleezza Rice, Extraordinary, Ordinary People: A Memoir of Family
„... if you are overdressed, it is a comment on them. If you are under dressed, it is a comment on you.“
— Condoleezza Rice, Extraordinary, Ordinary People: A Memoir of Family
„Race is a constant factor in American life. Yet reacting to every incident, real or imagined, is crippling, tiring, and ultimately counterproductive.“
— Condoleezza Rice, Extraordinary, Ordinary People: A Memoir of Family
„Societies that treat women badly are dangerous societies. The empowerment of women is not only morally right it is also practical in the positive impact it has on so many social ills.“
— Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honor: A Memoir of My Years in Washington
„somewhat vague) new relationship between the United States“
— Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honour
„[T]hat afternoon, Sergei Lavrov called me for the second time during the crisis. [... ] “We have three demands,” he said.
“What are they?” I asked.
“The first two are that the Georgians sign the no-use-of-force pledge and that their troops return to barracks,” he told me.
“Done,” I answered.
[... ] But then Sergei said, “The other demand is just between us. Misha Saakashvili has to go.” I couldn’t believe my ears and I reacted out of instinct, not analysis.
“Sergei, the secretary of state of the United States does not have a conversation with the Russian foreign minister about overthrowing a democratically elected president,” I said. “The third condition has just become public because I’m going to call everyone I can and tell them that Russia is demanding the overthrow of the Georgian president.”
“I said it was between us,” he repeated.
“No, it’s not between us. Everyone is going to know.” The conversation ended. I called Steve Hadley to tell him about the Russian demand. Then I called the British, the French, and several others. That afternoon the UN Security Council was meeting. I asked our representative to inform the Council as well.
Lavrov was furious, saying that he’d never had a colleague divulge the contents of a diplomatic conversation. I felt I had no choice. If the Georgians wanted to punish Saakashvili for the war, they would have a chance to do it through their own constitutional processes. But the Russians had no right to insist on his removal. The whole thing had an air of the Soviet period, when Moscow had controlled the fate of leaders throughout Eastern Europe. I was certainly not going to be party to a return to those days [688].“
— Condoleezza Rice, No Higher Honor: A Memoir of My Years in Washington
