„Общество, которое равенство ставит выше свободы, не получит ни того, ни другого.“
Вариант: Общество, которое ставит свободу выше равенства получит высокую степень и того, и другого.
Милтон Фридман цитаты
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Милтон Фридман
Дата рождения: 31. Июль 1912
Дата смерти: 16. Ноябрь 2006
Милтон Фридман — американский экономист, обладатель премии по экономике памяти Альфреда Нобеля 1976 года за исследования в области потребления, монетарной истории и теории, а также сложности стабилизационной политики. Фридман наряду с Джорджем Стиглером и другими экономистами был одним из интеллектуальных лидеров второго поколения чикагской ценовой теории, методологического направления, развивавшегося в Чикагском университете с 1940-х годов. Ряд студентов Фридмана и молодых профессоров, которых он нанял и воспитал — среди них Гэри Беккер, Роберт Фогель, Томас Соуэлл, Роберт Лукас — стали известными экономистами.
Фридман начал критиковать кейнсианскую теорию, которую он называл «наивной», в 50-х годах, когда он предложил новую интерпретацию функции потребления. В 1960-х он был главным противником экономической политики, основанной на учении Кейнса. Фридман отмечал, что, как и другие представители экономического мейнстрима, он использует «кейнсианский язык и аппарат», но отвергает его выводы и заключения. Фридман предполагал существование некого «естественного» уровня безработицы и утверждал, что если занятость превышает это значение, то инфляция будет ускоряться. Фридман считал, что в долгосрочной перспективе кривая Филлипса вертикальна и находится как раз на «естественном» уровне; ему удалось предсказать явление, впоследствии названное стагфляцией. Фридман поддерживал систему альтернативных взглядов, называемую монетаризмом. С точки зрения монетаризма оптимальной политикой является постоянное малое расширение предложения денег. Идеи Фридмана о кредитно-денежной политике, налогообложении, приватизации и дерегуляции легли в основу многих правительственных программ, в особенности в 80-е годы. Денежная теория Фридмана послужила основой для действий ФРС в ходе мирового финансового кризиса 2007—2008 годов.
Фридман был советником президента США от республиканцев Рональда Рейгана и консервативного премьер-министра Великобритании Маргарет Тэтчер. Его политическая философия превозносила преимущества свободного рынка с минимальным вмешательством государства. По мнению самого Фридмана, главным его достижением стала та роль, которую он сыграл в отмене воинской обязанности в США. В сочинении 1962 года «Капитализм и свобода» он высказался в поддержку добровольных вооружённых сил, плавающего валютного курса, отмены медицинских лицензий, отрицательного подоходного налога и школьных ваучеров. Он выступал в пользу программы выбора муниципальных школ, создав специализированный фонд Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice .
Библиография Фридмана включает множество монографий, книг, научных и публицистических статей, он участвовал в телевизионных эфирах и давал лекции. Данные материалы покрывают широкий спектр экономических и политических тем. Его книги и эссе имели влияние и за границей, в том числе в странах социалистического лагеря. По итогам опроса экономистов Фридман был назван вторым наиболее известным представителем этой области в двадцатом веке — большей популярностью обладал лишь Кейнс. Издание The Economist отзывалось о нём как о «наиболее влиятельном экономисте второй половины двадцатого века… быть может, всего века». Член Американского философского общества , президент Американской экономической ассоциации в 1967 году. Президент общества «Мон Пелерин» . Награждён медалью Дж. Б. Кларка .
Цитаты Милтон Фридман
„Правительства никогда ничему не учатся. Учатся только люди.“
Governments never learn. Only people learn.
Источник: [Green, Jonathon, A Cynic's Lexicon: A Dictionary of Amoral Advice, Routledge, 1984, 77, 0710201877]
„Инфляция — всегда и везде чисто денежное явление.“
Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon.
Источник: [Friedman, Milton, The Counter-Revolution in Monetary Theory, Routledge, 1970, 32, 025536007X]
„Я думаю, что решение проблемы правительством — обычно так же плохо, как и сама проблема, а зачастую делает её ещё хуже.“
Часто сокращается до: «Правительственное решение проблемы обычно хуже самой проблемы.»
I think the government solution to a problem is usually as bad as the problem and very often makes the problem worse.
Источник: [Friedman, Milton, An Economist's Protest, Thomas Horton & Daughters, 1975, 318, 0913878073]
„I am in favor of cutting taxes under any circumstances and for any excuse, for any reason, whenever it's possible.“
As quoted in Conservatives Betrayed: How George W. Bush and other big government Republicans hijacked the conservative cause (2006) by Richard A Viguerie, p. 46 <!-- similar to statement previously dated (16 September 2003) — but linked page indicates "interview" by John Hawkins dated 25 February 2012 http://www.rightwingnews.com/interviews/friedman.php : I am in favor of cutting taxes under any circumstances and for any excuse, for any reason, whenever it's possible. … because I believe the big problem is not taxes, the big problem is spending. The question is, "How do you hold down government spending?" Government spending now amounts to close to 40% of national income not counting indirect spending through regulation and the like. If you include that, you get up to roughly half. The real danger we face is that number will creep up and up and up. The only effective way I think to hold it down, is to hold down the amount of income the government has. The way to do that is to cut taxes. -->
Контексте: I am in favor of cutting taxes under any circumstances and for any excuse, for any reason, whenever it's possible. … because I believe the big problem is not taxes, the big problem is spending. I believe our government is too large and intrusive, that we do not get our money's worth for the roughly 40 percent of our income that is spent by government … How can we ever cut government down to size? I believe there is one and only one way: the way parents control spendthrift children, cutting their allowance. For government, that means cutting taxes.
„Nothing is so permanent as a temporary government program.“
Tyranny of the Status Quo, San Diego, CA: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich (1980) p. 115
„That was surely my greatest triumph of the year at Cambridge!“
Two Lucky People
Контексте: Joan Robinson, a leading Keynesian and radical, produced a specimen for me to analyze. I said something like, "This is obviously the writing of a foreigner, so it's difficult for me to analyze. But I would say it is written by someone who had considerable artistic but not much intellectual talent." It turned out to be the handwriting of Lydia Lopokova, the world-famous Russian ballerina whom Keynes had married. That was surely my greatest triumph of the year at Cambridge!
„Unfortunately, unanimity is not always feasible.“
"The Social Responsibility of Business is to Increase its Profits" in The New York Times Magazine (13 September 1970)
Контексте: The political principle that underlies the is unanimity. In an ideal free market resting on private property, no individual can coerce any other, all cooperation is voluntary, all parties to such cooperation benefit or they need not participate. There are no values, no "social" responsibilities in any sense other than the shared values and responsibilities of individuals. Society is a collection of individuals and of the various groups they voluntarily form.
The political principle that underlies the political mechanism is conformity. The individual must serve a more general social interest — whether that be determined by a church or a dictator or a majority. The individual may have a vote and say in what is to be done, but if he is overruled, he must conform. It is appropriate for some to require others to contribute to a general whether they wish to or not.
Unfortunately, unanimity is not always feasible. There are some respects in which conformity appears unavoidable, so I do not see how one can avoid the use of the political mechanism altogether.
„I am a libertarian with a small "l" and a Republican with a capital "R".“
Charlie Rose Show (November 2005) http://video.google.com/videoplay?docid=-921891628093252478&q=tvshow%3ACharlie_Rose
Контексте: I am a libertarian with a small "l" and a Republican with a capital "R". And I am a Republican with a capital "R" on grounds of expediency, not on principle.
„It's a moral problem that the government is making into criminals people, who may be doing something you and I don't approve of, but who are doing something that hurts nobody else.“
America's Drug Forum interview (1991)
Контексте: It's a moral problem that the government is making into criminals people, who may be doing something you and I don't approve of, but who are doing something that hurts nobody else. Most of the arrests for drugs are for possession by casual users.
Now here's somebody who wants to smoke a marijuana cigarette. If he's caught, he goes to jail. Now is that moral? Is that proper? I think it's absolutely disgraceful that our government, supposed to be our government, should be in the position of converting people who are not harming others into criminals, of destroying their lives, putting them in jail. That's the issue to me. The economic issue comes in only for explaining why it has those effects. But the economic reasons are not the reasons.
„The proper role of government is exactly what John Stuart Mill said in the middle of the 19th century in On Liberty. The proper role of government is to prevent other people from harming an individual.“
America's Drug Forum interview (1991)
Контексте: The proper role of government is exactly what John Stuart Mill said in the middle of the 19th century in On Liberty. The proper role of government is to prevent other people from harming an individual. Government, he said, never has any right to interfere with an individual for that individual's own good.
The case for is exactly as strong and as weak as the case for prohibiting people from overeating. We all know that overeating causes more deaths than drugs do. If it's in principle OK for the government to say you must not consume drugs because they'll do you harm, why isn't it all right to say you must not eat too much because you'll do harm? Why isn't it all right to say you must not try to go in for skydiving because you're likely to die? Why isn't it all right to say, "Oh, skiing, that's no good, that's a very dangerous sport, you'll hurt yourself"? Where do you draw the line?
„Because we live in a largely free society, we tend to forget how limited is the span of time and the part of the globe for which there has ever been anything like : the typical state of mankind is tyranny, servitude, and misery.“
— Milton Friedman, книга Capitalism and Freedom
Ch. 1 The Relation Between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom, 2002 edition, page 10
Capitalism and Freedom (1962)
Контексте: Because we live in a largely free society, we tend to forget how limited is the span of time and the part of the globe for which there has ever been anything like : the typical state of mankind is tyranny, servitude, and misery. The nineteenth century and early twentieth century in the Western world stand out as striking exceptions to the general trend of historical development. Political freedom in this instance clearly came along with the free market and the development of capitalist institutions. So also did political freedom in the golden age of Greece and in the early days of the Roman era.
History suggests only that capitalism is a necessary condition for political freedom. Clearly it is not a sufficient condition.
„History suggests only that capitalism is a necessary condition for political freedom. Clearly it is not a sufficient condition.“
— Milton Friedman, книга Capitalism and Freedom
Ch. 1 The Relation Between Economic Freedom and Political Freedom, 2002 edition, page 10
Capitalism and Freedom (1962)
Контексте: Because we live in a largely free society, we tend to forget how limited is the span of time and the part of the globe for which there has ever been anything like : the typical state of mankind is tyranny, servitude, and misery. The nineteenth century and early twentieth century in the Western world stand out as striking exceptions to the general trend of historical development. Political freedom in this instance clearly came along with the free market and the development of capitalist institutions. So also did political freedom in the golden age of Greece and in the early days of the Roman era.
History suggests only that capitalism is a necessary condition for political freedom. Clearly it is not a sufficient condition.
„Only a crisis—actual or perceived—produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around.“
— Milton Friedman, книга Capitalism and Freedom
Preface (1982 edition), p. ix
Capitalism and Freedom (1962)
Контексте: There is enormous inertia—a tyranny of the status quo—in private and especially governmental arrangements. Only a crisis—actual or perceived—produces real change. When that crisis occurs, the actions that are taken depend on the ideas that are lying around. That, I believe, is our basic function: to develop alternatives to existing policies, to keep them alive and available until the politically impossible becomes politically inevitable.
„Hell hath no fury like a bureaucrat scorned.“
"Bureaucracy Scorned" in Newsweek (29 December 1975), later published in Bright Promises, Dismal Performance : An Economist's Protest (1983)
Контексте: In this day and age, we need to revise the old saying to read, "Hell hath no fury like a bureaucrat scorned."
„I want people to take thought about their condition and to recognize that the maintenance of a free society is a very difficult and complicated thing and it requires a self-denying ordinance of the most extreme kind.“
Interview with on The Open Mind (7 December 1975)
Контексте: I want people to take thought about their condition and to recognize that the maintenance of a free society is a very difficult and complicated thing and it requires a self-denying ordinance of the most extreme kind. It requires a willingness to put up with temporary evils on the basis of the subtle and sophisticated understanding that if you step in to do something about them you not only may make them worse, you will spread your tentacles and get bad results elsewhere.
